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                  <text>WHAT HAVE WE HERE?:
THE REDISCOVERY OF NELSON'S MOUND 259

James M. Allan
William Self Associates
P.O . Box 2192
Orinda, California 94563

.
A BS TRACT

In 1954, R.K. Beardsley defined the type component for a late Augustine settlement pattern known
as the Fernandez Facies. Beardsley based his definition of the facies on artifacts and features discovered
during excavations of a shell mound located east of Pinole on property owned by C. B. Fernandez.
Known as the Fernandez Mound, this shell mound has long been confused with the location of Nelson's
shell mound #259 (CA-CCO-259) . Recent archival and field research conducted by William Self
Associates demonstrates that Nelson's mound 259 and the Fernandez Mound were two different
mounds, separated by nearly two miles, and that was the Fernandez Mound, not Nelson's mound 259 ,
that had been bulldozed and sold for topsoil in the 1960s. The mound described by Nelson and
numbered as 259 is, in fact, substantially intact. This paper describes the research conducted to verify the
location of both mounds, which included the use of Nelson's and Heizer's original photographs.

In November, 1995 archaeologists from
William Self Associates of Orinda, California
cond ucted a pedestrian archaeological survey
along a portio n of the current two-lane undivided
section of Route 4 between Interstate 80 and
Cummings Skyway in Hercules, Contra Costa
County. The survey and accompanying literature
and record search were conducted in compliance
with Section 106 of the National Historic
Preservation Act on behalf of a project that is
intended to improve operations and safety along
Route 4, alleviate existing and projected traffic
congestion, and close an existing gap in the
regional freeway network.

Situated in Rodeo Creek Valley, 1/4 mile east
of the Santa Fe Railway - nearest Luzon station
[emphasis added].
The site is over 2 mi. up the creek, or inland,
and, according to the map, about 150 feet above
sea level. The mound lies at the foot of a high hill,
some 200 yds south of the present creek
channel. ... A small spring occurs however on the
flat close to the northwest base of the mound by
two large weeping willows. Immediately to the east
is an open side canyon which forks a short
distance back in the hills. On the mound itself,
which is barren of anything but weeds, stands an
old house and barn.

One previously known site was identified
within the Area of Potential Effect (APE) during
the literature and record search. Five other sites,
one of which is CA-CCO-259, were identified
within a half mile radius of the APE. Nels Nelson
recorded shellmound number 259 in 1907. When
subsequently incorporated into the national
trinomial system, the mound was assigned the
trinomial CA-CCO-259. In reviewing the records
pertaining to these sites, it became apparent that a
discrepancy exists between the location of CCO259 and that of Nelson's mound 259.

This mound is the largest thus far seen, th e
only possible one-time exception being th e
Sausalito and Ellis Landing structures.
Its
diameters are about 350 x 400 feet. .. . a recent
excavation measuring 90 x 210 ft. has been made
on the front (north) side of the pile, giving in
places a nearly perpendicular wall 12-14 ft. hig h
(Nelson 1907).
The mound as observed by Nelson was
composed of broken clam, oyster, and mussel
shells, burned tule, charcoal and ash beds, bird
and deer bones. The radius of a human infant was
also recovered. Nelson excavated a single burial

Nelson's notes describing the site and its location
are as follows:

91

�from the mound in 1910 (Davis 1960:12), but
apparently conducted no further research there.
In 1935, amateur archaeologist L.J. Barker
removed ten burials and cremations with
associated grave goods from a prehistoric
shellmound in the vicinity (Davis 1960:12). It is not
clear whether this was Nelson's mound 259 or
another, unrecorded mound located 2 miles to the
east of mound 259. However, given the large
quantity of material he collected, it is unlikely that
Barker was working on mound 259, upon which
stood a barn and ranch house (Prince 1996).
Three years later, R.F. Heizer of the University
of California excavated several cremations and
burials from a prehistoric shellmound (Davis 1960;
Moratto 1984:230) that may have been the same
as that excavated by Barker, but it was not the
mound recorded by Nelson as number 259. The
site Heizer excavated lay on property owned by
C.B. Fernandez that is situated nearly 4.5 miles
from the bay, 2.5 miles further east than the
mound recorded by Nelson. The property has
been owned by the Fernandez family since it was
first settled by Bernardo Fernandez, a sailing
master who purchased the land in 1854 (Davis
1960:12).
As with Nelson's mound 259, Heizer's mound
was near a creek and adjacent to a forking canyon,
but it was nearly 2 miles east of the "Luzon
Station" referred to by Nelson. In the catalog of
artifacts from Heizer's excavation, the site location
is described as being from the Fernandez Mound,
located 3.9 miles east of Pinole on Rodeo Creek
at an elevation of 225 ft. This is nearly two miles
east of the location described by Nelson and 75
feet higher in elevation. Nowhere in Heizer's
notes or catalog is the mound referred to as CCO259. The artifacts from Heizer's 1938 excavations
are recorded as being from the. "Fernandez Md.
Contra Costa Co." In 1954, on the basis of the
artifacts and features recovered from the mound
on the Fernandez property, R.K. Beardsley
defined the upper component of the mound as
the type component for what he called the
"Fernandez Facies," which, according to Moratto,
is the best example of a Phase 2, "Late Augustine
Pattern" settlement (Moratto 1984:232).
Investigations of the Fernandez Mound were
again conducted by Perryman in 1958 and Davis
in 1959, although the excavations were through
basal deposits, since the mound itself had been
sold and hauled away for use as topsoil in 1957
(Davis 1960; Moratto 1984).
Sometime after

92

Heizer's work on the Fernandez Mound, a pencil
notation was made in the UC Berkeley artifact
catalog for the Fernandez Mound, indicating the
artifacts were from CCO-259. A similar notation
was made on the UC Berkeley Archaeological
Research Facility's Carquinez Quad topo map that
had correctly depicted Nelson's mound #259 as
he had plotted it. An arrow pointing east has been
penciled in on this map, and "#259" marked on
the map about 2.5 miles to the east of Nelson's
intended location. The later Benicia Quad (which
superseded the Carquinez Quad) has #259
marked only at the eastern (incorrect) location
(Prince 1996).
Reports from subsequent
excavations and surveys have perpetuated this
error (Davis 1960; Holman 1983, 1990a &amp; b),
referring to the Fernandez Mound as CCO-259,
the trinomial assigned to the mound recorded by
Nelson near Luzon.
In March and April 1996, archaeologists from
William Self Associates reviewed Nelson's original
notes and the reports filed by Heizer and Davis in
an effort to resolve this discrepancy. In addition,
ca. 1907 photos of the mound recorded by
Nelson and ca. 1950-1960 photos of the site
subsequently referred to as the Fernandez
mound were used to demonstrate that Nelson's
mound #259 and the Fernandez Mound are two
different sites. In collaboration with Mr. Gene
Prince of U.C. Berkeley's Hearst Museum of
Anthropology, a transparency of Nelson's 1907
photo of mound #259 was placed on the focusing
screen of a 35mm camera equipped with zoom
lens. A view through the camera lens then
produced a view through the transparency. The
historic photo depicted the mound, its vertical face
as described by Nelson, and the barn and house
that sat on top of it. The position from which the
photo had been taken was relocated and, with the
variable focal length provided by the zoom lens, a
view through the camera superimposed the 1907
view of the mound onto the modern landscape
(Prince 1988). The historic view of the silhouette
and contour of the surrounding foothills, the
configuration of a substantial portion of the original
mound, and the location, orientation, and size of
the barn, the house, and several mature oak trees
matched those features as they exist today. The
open-sided barn pictured in the 1907 photo has
been altered (and possibly rebuilt) through the
application of wood siding, but its size, location,
roof line, and configuration are identical to those
depicted in the historic photo. The house has
been rebuilt but apparently rests on the same
foundation as the structure in the 1907 photo.

�Photographs of Heizer's 1938 excavation at
the Fernandez Mound were used in the same
manner at the erroneously recorded location of
CCO-259, the Fernandez Mound, located
beneath the maintenance building at today's
Franklin Canyon Golf Course.
Although the
mound is gone, the modern-day topographic
contours are an identical match with those
depicted in the historic photos and with the
topography recorded by Heizer in his maps.

1995 (Holman 1995), the results of which were
not made available to the Northwest Information
Center until mid-1996. Subsurface testing of the
mound area (Holman 1995) led to delineation of a
boundary for the site and a trinomial (CA-CCO698) has been issued for the site by the NWIC.

It is clear from both primary and field research
that CCO-259 and the Fernandez Mound are two
different sites separated by nearly two miles. The
Fernandez Mound was located on what is today
Franklin Canyon Golf Course. Nelson's mound
#259 lies beneath the historic and modern
structures of today's Claeys Ranch property south
of Hwy 4, approximately 1/4 mile southeast of the
railroad tracks nearest Luzon.
Independent
discovery of the Claeys Ranch mound was made
by an archaeological consultant conducting a
survey for a proposed land development project in

REFERENCES CITED

According to historic precedent, the trinomials
assigned to Nelson's shell mounds have followed
his numbering system, hence mound 259 was
numbered CA-CCO-259. The confusion between
Nelson's mound 259 and the location of the
Fernandez Mound has resulted in a sizable
volume of data and interpretation being attributed
to CA-CCO-259, when in fact they should have
been attributed to a trinomial aSSigned to the
Fernandez Mound. In view of the complexity that
would be involved in correcting this error, the
NWIC has elected to assign the trinomial CA-CCO259 to the location of the Fernandez Mound (at
Franklin Canyon Golf Course), and has issued a
new trinomial (CA-CCO-698) to the location of
Nelson's mound 259 (at Claeys RanCh).

Holman, Miley
1995 Identification of Archaeological Site
Boundary at Claeys Ranch, Hercules, Contra
Costa County, Califomia. On file at the California
Historic Resources File System, NWIC.

Davis, James T.
1960 The Archaeology of the Fernandez
Site, A San FranciSCO Bay Region Shellmound.
Reports of the University of Califomia
Archaeological Survey, No. 49. Papers on
Califomia Archaeology: No. 75. University of
California: Department of Anthropology.

Moratto, M. J.
1984 Califomia Archaeology. Academic
Press, Orlando.

Holman, Miley
1983 A Report of Findings of an
Archaeological Reconnaissance of the Franklin
Canyon Development Area, Hercules, Contra
Costa County, Califomia. On file at the Califomia
Historic Resources File System, NWIC #S13808.
1990A Letter report Re: Archaeological
Field Investigations of Parcels A and B Located
Behind Crockett, Contra Costa County, CA. On
file at the California Historic Resources File
System, NWIC #S-13809.
1990B Letter report Re: Archaeological
Literature Review and Field Inspection of the
Franklin Canyon EIR, Hercules, Contra Costa
County, CA. On file at the California Historic
Resources File System, NWIC #S-13800

Nelson, Nels
1907 CA-CCO-259 site form. On file at the
California HistoriC Resources File System, NWIC,
Rohnert Park.
1910 CA-CCO-248 site form. On file at the
California Historic Resources File System, NWIC,
Rohnert Park.
Prince, Gene
1988 Photographs for Discovery and Scale
by Superimposing Old Photographs on the
Present Day Scene. Antiquity, v.62, No.
234:112-116.
1996 Personal Communication, 5 June.

93

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                  <text>UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
-IN

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 7

No. 4

N

SHELLMOUNDS OF THE SAN FRANCISCO
BAY REGION.
BY

N. C. NELSON

BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
DECEMBER, 1909

�-UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued
umder the direction of the Department of Anthropology -re sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological departments and museums, and for jowrals devoted to general
anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated, which
Include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Department, IUniversity Library, Berkeley, Oalifornia, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should

be ad

Vol. 1.

d to the Unlversity Press.

Price
1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88;
September,19Os ~~~~................................................................
plates 1-30.1903.........$1.25
plates 1-30. September,
2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 .......... 3.00
Index, pp. 369-378.
1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair.
AO
1-27;Pp. plates 1-14. April, 1904............................
2. The Langages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by
A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 .............
.60
..................
3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103.
.25
1904 .......
June,
4. Basket Designs of the dians of Northwestern California, by A. I.
Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 ........... ............... .75
5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber.
2.25
165-377.
Pp. January, 1907...............................................................
Index, pp. 379-393.
The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Plny Earle Goddard.
344pp. ................................................ 3.50
1905
June,
1. The Erliest
torical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from
original documents presrved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall.
Pp. 1-47. April 1906 .60
2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on collections in the Depaxtment of Anthropology of the University of
California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales HErdlicka.
Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 ..75
3. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166.
February, 1907 .1.50
4. Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp.
167-250. May, 1907 ..75
5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L.
Krber. Pp. 251-318. September, .1907 ............................... .75
6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. I3. Kroeber. Pp. 319.50
356. September, 1907..................
Index, pp. 357-374.
1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds,
.5
by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 ...3.5.......
2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by
Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63.
September, 1907 ..75
3. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December,
2.50
1909
1. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighborig Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, maps 1-2. February, 1908 .3.25
2. The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred
Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3.
3. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok
Indians, by A. L..Kroeber. Pp. 369-380. Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover.
February, 1908 ..50
Index, pp. 381-400.
1. The Emeryvie Shelimound, by Max Uhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with
38 text figures. June, 1907 .1.25
2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of
Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William
J. Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 ..35
3. Pomo Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30,
1.75
text231 figures. December, 1908...........................1.......--......
4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, by N. C. Nelson.
309-356,
Pp. plates 32-34. December, 1909........................................ ,50
12

Vol. 2.

.

........

.................................................

Vol. 3.

Vol. 4.

Vol. 5.

Vol. 6.

Vol. 7.

�UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONs
IN

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

VOL. 7

NO. 4

SHELLMOUNDS OF THE SAN FRANCISCO
BAY REGION.
BY

N. C. NELSON.

CONTENTS.
PAGE

Introduction .---------------310
The San Francisco Bay Region as Adapted for Primitive Habitation,
311
Geographical Position.-------------------------------------------312
Physiographical and Geologieal Conditions....................................., 312
.
Climate
318
Flora and Fauna
.
319
Distribution of the SheJimounds:
Present Number ...........................
322
Appearance, Size and State of Preservation ...
324
Situation with Respeet to Shore-line and Sea-level. .
328
.
Geographical Distribution and its Control
330
Nature of the Shellmounds:
General Status of Shellmound Investigation.------------------------------------- 332
Relation of Shellmounds to other Primitive Structures.------------------------- 333
Composition and Internal Structure.
..
335
Molluscan Remains ..------------- 337
Vertebrate Fauna .----------338
Culture and History of the Shellmound People:
Material Culture ........................ 340
Human Remains-.--.3-------------------------------------------------------------------43
344
Origin of the People .----------Ageof Settlements.345
345
The Implied Population.
,,
346
---------------------------------------------------------------------

�310

University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 7

INTRODUCTION.

During the season of 1908 the writer completed a somewhat
detailed survey of the evidences of prehistoric man in the San
Francisco Bay region. The work, which had been under way for
some time, was finished probably none too soon, because the
obliterating agencies of nature have been strongly reinforced in
the last four or five decades by the hands of modern man, and
the ultimate destruction of every suggestion of former savage
life seems not far off. Professor John C. Merriam, who directed
the investigation, had himself for some years been collecting data
on the subject, and a comparison of his results with our present
knowledge shows only too plainly how rapidly the monuments
and relics of primitive times are disappearing from the bay
shores.
The field work connected with the present study represents
a review of Professor Merriam's data, with the addition of much
information that is new. In the course of three months, the
writer traversed the entire country bordering San Francisco,
San Pablo, and Suisun bays; including the tide-water districts of
the entering streams and also a short strip of the Pacific Coast
adjacent to the Golden Gate. The ancient remains discovered or
re-examined include shell heaps, earth mounds, and a few minor
localities that cannot perhaps be termed anything but temporary
camp sites. Of the two most numerous forms, the earth mounds
are nearly all located by the entering streams, close to the upper
reaches of the tide-waters; and their number could be increased
indefinitely by searching these stream valleys toward their
sources. But as those rather common and widely spread accumulations appear, in many cases, to be of relatively recent origin and
possibly representative of distinct cultures, the present paper is
restricted to a consideration of the shell heaps.' These fairly
numerous deposits, with a few exceptions, are situated close to the
open bay and may, geographically at least, be regarded as a
distinct group.
I The earth mounds of Central California have been considered briefly
by W. K. Moorehead in his Primitive Implements, p. 258; and by W. H.
Holmes, Smithsonian Report, 1900, p. 176.

�1909]

Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Begion.

311

Thus far only three of the four hundred and twenty-five shell
heaps composing the group have been carefully excavated, and
those three were unfortunately on the same side of the bay and
not very far apart.2 Nevertheless, guided by this limited amount
of intensive work, the rather more than superficial examination
of all the remaining mounds, supplemented by such sifted information as could be obtained from owners and local residents, may
allow some safe generalizations for the group. The purpose of
this paper is, therefore, to show by a map the actual location of
all the ancient middens known, to consider the broader facts
apparent in the relation of the mound distribution to the local
topography, and, finally, so far as is warranted by available
knowledge, to make some comparisons of the mound group and
its culture with that of similar occurrences in other parts of the
world. The paper should be considered only a general or preliminary report which it is hoped may be expanded from time to
time as further systematic investigation shall be made possible.
The support of the field work has been generously furnished
by Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst, through the Department of Anthropology. The study as a whole has been pursued as graduate work
at the University of California, under the immediate direction of
Professor Merriam, who has also kindly revised the manuscript
and read the proofs.
THE SAN FRANCISCO BAY REGION, AS ADAPTED FOR
PRIMITIVE HABITATION.

With the present tendency of historical research apology is
scarcely required for devoting some attention to geography as
in part the underlying basis of ethnic conditions. At the same
time, science may doubtless easily overreach itself in the attempt
to account all phases of human culture the product merely of
external conditions, and the consideration of environment is not
taken up here solely in order to explain archaeological facts, but
is made necessary by the established relation between some of
the shell heaps and certain events in the history of the local
topography. That material conditions do play a fundamental
2Bee report on the Emeryville Sheilmound by Dr. Max Uhle in Vol. 7
of the present series. Reports on the other mounds are awaiting publication.

�312

University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 7

part in human development is not to be questioned. Indeed it
would seem as if environment had so particularly favored
primitive human life in California that it must in the end be
accepted as one of the chief factors in explaining the presence
of the unusually numerous linguistic stocks, and the fact that
they managed to exist within these narrow territorial limits
without losing their identity.
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION.

The relation of the region to be considered to the city of San
Francisco makes its geographical situation a matter of common
knowledge. Definitely fixed, the particular area concerninlg us
is included between 1210 56' and 1220 42' west longitude and
between 370 23' and 38° 18' north latitude. In more general
terms, the territory extends from the cities of Napa and Petaluma
on the north to San Jose on the south and from the Pacific Coast
eastward to the Great Valley, the respective distances being about
sixty-five, and forty-five miles. The bay itself, with its flood
lands, covers approximately 120 square miles and is bounded by
more than 300 miles of shore line.
PHYSIOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL CONDITIONS.

The waters broadly designated by the term San Francisco Bay
are confined to a series of connected depressions in the heart of the
Coast Range. The mountain system referred to reaches its narrowest limits in this latitude, where its two or three main ranges
have probably always been characterized by a general transverse
sag, through which the interior basin of the state connected with
the ocean. Since middle Tertiary times, the oscillating movements
of the coast, amounting it seems to over 2,000 feet, have concentrated tidal and drainage currents on this pass until at the
present time, when the land is relatively high, the enormous
drainage of the interior basin reaches the ocean by way of an
irregular line of deep gorges, cut through the three or four low
barriers that still remain. Descending upon this transverse
channel are some six or seven partly united and more or less
directly opposable valleys, two from the south and the others

�1909]

Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region.

313

from the north; and it is these valleys which, after a partial
re-submergenue, have given rise to the present three divisions of
San Francisco Bay.
The outermost and the largest of these divisions, that is San
Francisco Bay proper, is an elliptical body of water about fortyfive miles long and as much as twelve miles in width. It lies
mostly south of the transverse channel and is flanked on the east
by the Mt. Hamilton Range and on the west jointly by the Santa
Cruz Range and the mountain block north of the inlet, of which
Tamalpais is the culminating peak. At the present time its
shores are generally low, marshy and unapproachable, except in
certain places about the northern end. Here, especially on the
west side, from San Bruno Point north, several secondary mountain features run out at an angle to the general trend of the
shore line, producing an alternating series of inlets and headlands, the latter of which furnish easy approaches to the open
bay. The resisting extremities of some of the most prominent
of these headlands or peninsulas appear as islands in the bay;
and one of these islands, the Potrero Hills, which was once a
part of the western shore, has recently, by sedimentation, been
linked to the opposite shore, while the originally insulating
channel furnishes the only entrance to the second or central
compartment of the estuary, namely San Pablo Bay.
San Pablo Bay is a roughly circular twelve-mile expanse,
actually called Round Bay by the early Spanish explorers. It
is walled in on the west by the same mountain block that
separates the lower bay from the ocean but on the east by only
a low and narrow strip of the Mt. Hamilton Range. On the north
it sends three long tidal arms up the Napa, the Sonoma and the
Petaluma valleys-now all choked with silt; while on the south
it meets, somewhat abruptly, a broad section of the Mt. Hamilton
Range. In other words, the basins of the two lower divisions of
the estuary do not meet end to end but are roughly parallel and
connect at present by a diagonal channel, the San Pablo Strait.
San Pablo Strait, like the Golden Gate below and Carquinez
Strait above, appears to be the joint result of subsidence and
wave erosion, completed perhaps within recent geological time,
but still prior to the oldest records of the shellmound people in

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the region. Probably the older channel, or at any rate the truly
structural connection of the two basins, ran between the Potrero
Hills and the Mt. Hamilton Range. This passage is now practically obstructed by the joint deltas of the San Pablo and Wildcat
creeks, forming the plain on which the city of Richmond is
building. The delta material, containing shell strata in places,
is over 500 feet deep; and upon its surface are situated some of
the largest and oldest of the shell heaps.
To the east of the remaining narrow portion of the Mt. Hamilton
Range is the third and smallest of the estuary divisions, usually
distinguished as Suisun Bay. The basin containing this body
of water is now largely open to the Great Valley, subsidence and
erosion having removed or obscured the dividing ridge. The
result is that Suisun Bay, almost entirely silted up and reduced
to tule marsh, appears to be topographically one with the
adjacent floodlands of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers.
These stretches of level floodlands, extending over a large area of
the lower portion of the Great Valley, are marked by certain
noteworthy features in the form of isolated sand dunes, rising
like islands through the surrounding peat which often attains a
depth of forty or fifty feet. We may leave the origin of these
eminences for others to explain, but they are particularly interesting to the archaeologist by reason of the fact that they furnish
evidence of having been more or less permanently occupied by
the aborigines. (See pl. 35, fig. 2.)
Whether Suisun Bay has been large enough or deep enough
to admit the sea since prehistoric times seems doubtful. There
are, on the one hand, several old beach marks along its shores,
and the lowest of these is not many feet above the present water
level; but, on the other hand, the very largest and perhaps the
oldest of the shell heaps in the Suisun Bay basin, no. 250, near
Concord, lies approximately at sea level and may therefore have
been begun at a time when the bay was even smaller than to-day.
To be sure, there are other shell heaps in the vicinity of Martinez
and above Cordelia that lie on higher ground, but these are
insignificant, in fact almost obliterated, and do not furnish any
reliable tests. In view of these facts it will seem natural enough,
therefore, that the remainder of this study should be restricted

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almost entirely to conditions as they exist on the two lower
divisions of the estuary.
The basins of San Pablo and San Francisco bays may, for
our purposes, be considered as a unit and as physiographically
distinct from the Great Valley, although receiving and transmitting the immense drainage of the latter. Being quite limited
in extent, the watershed belonging to the basin is unable to
develop any large streams. There are some sixty named and
recognized water-courses, besides many more wet-weather gullies
that descend from the surrounding hills; but of those named only
the Guadalupe and the Coyote at the southern extremity and
the Napa at the northern, are dignified by the doubtful term
"river." Those three, together with the Sonoma and the Petaluma creeks, also on the north, are the only permanently flowing
streams native to the basin. Of the remaining creeks, however,
many, such as the Rodeo, the San Pablo, the San Leandro, the
San Lorenzo, and the Alameda on the east side, and at least the
San Francisquito and the San Mateo on the west, would under
normal conditions, flow at all seasons of the year; and would,
consequently, be lines of attraction for primitive populations.
As it is, the water of nearly all the streams has been diverted
in the foothills to satisfy the requirements of modern civilized
life.
In connection with this preliminary statement of the physical
features of the bay region it seems desirable also to call attention
to the influence of the drainage entering or passing through the
bay. The processes of erosion and of deposition are both in action
at the same time and often in close proximity; but the wearingdown work is generally confined to the central section of the bay
and the building-up process to the extremities. It is along the line
of the great current from Carquinez Strait to the Golden Gate,
and at a few other points on the lower bay, as far south as the
latitude of San Mateo, that wave erosion is apparent. Wherever
the projecting headlands reach the open waters high and steep
cliffs are usually present. These cliffs have either been worked
out since the last subsidence or are holding their own concomitantly with a slow sinking movement, of which it appears that at
least the last eighteen or twenty feet have taken place since man 's

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occupation of the region. Either supposition indicates a congiderable age for some of the shellmounds.
The most readily observable progress of erosion is of course
confined to the recent formations, such as the soft conglomerates
about Point Pinole and the gravels and clays of the alluvial

slope bordering most of the lower bay. Perhaps the most notable
wave work within historic times is that on the east shore, between
Oakland and Richmond, where the marsh belt and the detrital
slope have been eaten back for a considerable distance. The
waves have here in all probability also cut away a number of the
ancient shell heaps.
But the tearing down processes about the bay are more than
counterbalanced by those that build up. In the first place, subaerial erosion in the flanking mountains has produced an alluvial
slope extending from San Bruno Point around the south end of
the bay and along the east side almost to Point Pinole. This
slope, upon which are built some of the principal bay cities,
varies from one-half mile to five or six miles in width, being most
prominent off the points where the larger streams issue from the
foothills. The deltas of the San Pablo, the San Francisquito and
the Alameda creeks show even a fan-like contour; and the last
named fan has thrown a dam across the mouth of a small lateral
valley giving rise to several minor lagoons near the foothills,
between the towns of Irvington and Niles. The shores of these
fresh-water lagoons furnish distinct evidence of permanent
settlements in former times, and the fact that the old San Jose
Mission is located very near seems in a measure to warrant the
opinion that the Spaniards found Indians living in that locality.
In the second place, there are the notable results of the
deposition of the suspensible matter brought into the quiet waters
of the bay by the streams. Almost the entire bay is fringed
with a belt of tide-land, salicornia marsh, which attains a width
of from three to five miles at the extremities and is absent only
in the constricted central portion, chiefly about the heads of the
more prominent peninsulas. Some vegetable matter enters into
this marsh composition but it is made up chiefly of a very fine
bluish silt. The sources of this silt and the rate of its deposition
have probably been much altered in the last fifty years. There

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Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region.

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can be no doubt, for example, that the supply has been at once
appreciably reduced for the smaller streams and increased for
the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers, whose carrying powers
have been much increased by the confinement of their channels.
Whether or not this change has worked any rapid transformation
in the upper bay is not known; but it is a fact that at the present
time the open waters of the entire San Pablo Bay, excepting a
broad channel across the southeastern half, average less than ten
feet in depth at mean low tide.3 A similar condition is true also
for San Francisco Bay below the latitude of San Bruno Point,
save for a narrow, central channel which still maintains a depth
of about forty feet. These facts regarding the deposition of silt
are more or less relevant to the archaeological problem, because
the continually widening marsh belt has left many of the shell
heaps quite far from the open waters, suggesting that a large
part of the depositional work was done since the middens were
abandoned. Furthermore, several of the shell heaps situated on
the tide lands are deeply imbedded in the silt itself.
This partial submergence of mounds in the tide-lands furnishes occasion for a final word with reference to the recent subsidence of the bay region. There is of course no question about
the origin of San Francisco Bay. Its very setting is suggestive,
and examination of the details of the shore line could not leave
even the untrained observer in doubt. Nor should it have been
necessary to investigate the shell heaps for evidence of recent
subsidence. The manner in which the foothills descend directly
to the marsh level, without any intervening alluvial slope, would
seem sufficient proof. Similar suggestions are also furnished by
the small islands scattered in the marsh along the western shore
from Petaluma to San Mateo. And on the east side, well towards
the southern extremity of the bay, the Coyote Hills, a narrow
range several miles long, rise about three hundred feet out of the
3 In 1775, when Jose de Caflizares, pilot to Commander Ayala of the San
Carlos, made the first reconnaissance of the bay region with copious soundings of the estuary, he found, at low tide, about five feet of water in San
Pablo Bay outside the main channels. He also mentions two large harbors

(now silted up) on the west shore and a large body of open water in what
is now Petaluma Slough. See translation of Ayala 's report by E. J. Molera,
with photographic reproduction of the original map of San Francisco Bay, in
The March of Portold, published by the California Promotion Committee,
San Francisco, 1909.

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marsh,- a particularly striking example of the many outcropping
remnants of the older drowned topography.
CLIMATE.

California is distinguished as perhaps the most unique of
the world's thirty-four climatic provinces. No other territory
covering an equal extent of latitude shows the same uniformly
mild temperature. Certain sections of the west coasts of
South America and of British India offer the nearest approach
to California conditions, but in those places the mean annual
temperature is 100 Fahr. higher than in California. This does not
mean that extremes are wanting in specific localities in California. Far from it: the state not only reaches over a great
extent of latitude but its altitude ranges from 400 to 500 feet
below sea level, in Death Valley, to the horizons of continual
snow in the mountain ranges. It is owing chiefly to the fortuitous
combination of the warm ocean currents and the general arrangement of the broad features of relief that the really habitable
portion of the state possesses an equable temperature which is
highly favorable to vegetable and animal life. Broadly speaking,
the climate is sub-tropical; and that of the San Francisco Bay
region, tempered as it is by the prevailing ocean winds, may be
characterized as insular.
Two seasons, a wet and a dry, are to be sharply distinguished.
The rainy period may be said to last from October to April and
is on the whole the pleasantest part of the year. The precipitation, which increases rapidly with the latitude, for San Francisco
ranges from 23 to 28 inches. Snow is a rare sight and frost
seldom touches the low country about the bay. The prevailing
winds are from the southwest during the dry season and it is
these that bring the fogs. Winds blowing from the opposite
direction sometimes bring the heated air from the interior valleys
and produce the only hot spells that may be experienced in the
bay region. The mean summer temperature for San Francisco
is about 60° and the mean winter temperature about 510 Fahr.
The mean annual average for thirty-one years is 56° Fahr., while
the extreme annual range is only about 600 Fahr.

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FLORA AND FAUNA.

The particular configuration of the state, which in a large
measure causes the remarkable uniformity of temperature in
certain regions, introduces also the important element of variety.
This whole phenomenon is perhaps best expressed in terms of the
flora and fauna. The life zones range from arctic down to subtropical; and this fact, combined with the general geographic
position of the region, has resulted in a remarkable diversification
of the plant and animal life.
The San Francisco Bay region itself, while appearing to contain all of the more valuable economic plants of the state, could
probably never have furnished the variety found in some other
parts of this large political division. This specific section of the
Coast Range is quite limited in extent as well as relatively low,
and the general northwest-southeasterly trend of the relief gives
only a small amount of favorable exposure. The hills on the east
and north sides of the bay are therefore almost barren, except in
the minor side canyons; but on the west, where the ranges are
more thoroughly broken up, the vegetation is fairly luxuriant.
In the valleys, and on the lower foothills bordering the bay,
grow several species of oak, especially the Valley Oak, Quercus
lobata, and two Live Oaks, Quercus agrifolia and Quercus Wislizenii. The willow, Salix, is also common along some of the
streams crossing the border plain. Farther back, in the canyons
and on the hillsides, flourish the Mountain Laurel or Bay tree,
Umbellularia catifornica, and the Buckeye or Horse Chestnut,
Aesculus californica; and close to these may be found two or
three species of the manzanita, Arctostaphylos, and the hazel,
Corylus catifornica. Finally, in the higher hills appear several
conifers among which are the Douglas Spruce, Pseudotsuga taxifolia; the Hemlock, Tsuga heterophylta; the Yellow Pine, Pinus
ponderosa; and the Digger Pine, Pinus Sabiniana. The Redwood, Sequoia sempervirens, is also quite abundant, especially on
the sea side of the western range. Besides these larger trees, the
products of most of which haVe been used in some way by the
Indians of late times, there are two or three species of the wild
cherry, Cerasus; a plum, Prunus subcordata; and a huckleberry,

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Vaccinium ovaturn. The Elderberry, Sambuscus racemosa, and
Wild Grape, Vitis californica, are also common. Finally, there
are several of the common berries such as the Thimbleberry,
Rubus parviflorus; the Blackberry, Rubus vitifolius; and several
species of gooseberry and currant, Ribes; in fact the saxifrage
family is well represented, though it is perhaps not as valuable
here as elsewhere.
Of the smaller flora in the region many families are unusually
well represented. Among the most common of these are the sunflower family, Compositae; the mustard family, Cruciferae; the
crowfoot family, Rununculaceae; the poppy family, Papavraceae;
the pea family, Leguminosae; and the lily family, Liliaceae.
There are about thirty different species of lily bulbs and of these
the famous Indian soaproot, Chlorogalum pomeridianum, is
very abundant. Many other useful plants such as the Milkweed,
Asclepias mexicana, and various grasses and sedges are also found.
No detailed study of the local flora has been attempted or
deemed necessary in connection with this shellmound investigation inasmuch as it is not possible to determine to what extent
the prehistoric inhabitants utilized vegetable products.4 It may
be worth while, however, to cite the results of Mr. Chesnut's
recent studies among the Indians of Mendocino County, which
adjoins the bay country on the northwest." Mr. Chesnut lists
and describes the various uses of no less than 212 plants in that
region and shows how thoroughly versed primitive peoples may
be in the botany of their respective habitats. It is not known
just what the difference in geographical distribution may be, but
certainly the majority of the economic plants of Mendocino
County are to be found also in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay.
The indigenous fauna of California is now much depleted, but
there can be no doubt that it once corresponded to the flora in
richness. There are some three hundred and fifty species of birds
in the state; and of these many of the game birds were until late
years very plentiful in the bay region. Of the mammals the state
contains fifty-three out of the sixty-six genera in North America,
4For a full account of the flora of the region consult Jepson, W. L.,
Flora of Middle Western California, 1901.
5 Chesnut, V. K., Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California. l'he U. S. National Herbarium, Vol. III, No. 3.

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Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Begion.

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and the species number about two hundred and seventy-five.6
But several of these have been much thinned out, and some, like
the antelope, Antilocapra americana, have disappeared entirely.
All the more useful mammalian orders such as the cetaceans, the
ungulates, and the rodents were once well represented in the bay
region. The particular species hunted in prehistoric times will
be enumerated later in the paper and need not be given here.
Fishes also, especially the salmon, were supposedly always
plentiful; but it is difficult to determine whether or not the
primitive inhabitants were able to fish successfully in so large a
body of open water.7 The minor streams entering the bay afforded
far more favorable opportunities; but these water-courses probably never contained more than a limited number of small
species. It appears, however, that at the present time these
streams are continually being restocked from the Sacramento and
San Joaquin rivers, probably during the excessive spring floods.8
Finally, the shoaling bay was well stocked with molluscs, particularly the mussel, Mytitus edulis, and the clam, Macoma
nasuta,-a fact which may have drawn the first settlement to its
shores.
We have then, to sum up the environmental conditions, a
large body of water, favorably isolated and sheltered by encompassing mountains. The bay itself is extensive and broad enough
to constitute a natural barrier for people without well developed
means of navigation; and the border country, which is either
partitioned by low mountain ranges or is suitable for habitation
only along the widely separated streams, also tends to develop
a certain degree of isolation and thus favors segregated community life. Under former normal conditions the hill slopes and
the valleys of the region were tolerably well supplied with fresh
water; while food products of all kinds were plentiful and near
at hand. When we add to these characteristics a climate as
Stephens, F., The Mammals of California, 1906.
The pilot Canlizares, already referred to, found in 1775 an Indian
rancheria near the west end of Carquinez Strait, where various kinds of fishes
(among them salmon) were offered the explorers as presents. See The March
of Portold, p. 66.
8 J. 0. Snyder, Notes on the Fishes of the Streams Flowing into San
Francisco Bay. Beport of Bureau of Fisheries, 1905; p. 329.
6
7

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favorable as is known, it should be no cause for wonder if the
human species early seized upon the region for permanent
habitation.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE SHELLMOUNDS.
PRESENT NUMBER.

The group of shellmounds examined in the San Francisco Bay
region and located on the accompanying map numbers 425
separate accumulations. It is not to be supposed, however, that
this figure exhausts the evidences of aboriginal occupation to be
found within the given territorial limits, because the shellmounds
are confined to a narrow belt around the open waters of the bay
and grade off landwards into earth mounds of a more or less
artificial character. In fact, some of the deposits shown at the
northern and southern extremities of the map, specifically those
on Sonoma Creek and on the Napa and Guadalupe rivers, contain a larger percentage of earth and ashes than of shell. According to reports, moreover, earth mounds and " old Indian
rancherias" are situated on the banks of the Alameda and San
Francisquito creeks, above the alluvial plain in the foothills; and
it is hardly to be doubted that sites of this character could be
found in great numbers by following up any other of the minor
streams. As it is, several more or less obliterated camp and
village sites of late and ancient date are definitely known in the
region, some of them even on the University Campus in Berkeley;
and the publication of news items relating to discoveries here and
there of relics and skeletal material is no uncommon occurrence.
The now known list of genuine refuse heaps certainly falls
short also of the number that originally existed in the region.
Many of the deposits appear to have been either obliterated or
destroyed by natural causes. Thus there were discovered, quite
by accident, four shell heaps of unknown lateral extent, but from
one to three feet deep, that were completely covered by natural
deposits, ranging in thickness from one to two and a half feet.
Of these four, no. 6 lies at the bottom of Elk Canyon, northwest
of Sausalito, and its covering is simply a light sandy alluvium;
but nos. 4 and 15, below Mill Valley, lie on hillsides and the
covering here is a hard clay or adobe that could have washed

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from the slope above only very slowly. The last, no. 96, situated
west of Point San Pedro, lies in the edge of a reclaimed salt
marsh, and was discovered only through the presence of a ditch
lately dug across the area containing the buried deposit.
Another point worthy of note is the fact that there are at the
present time no less than thirty relatively large mounds so situated by the shores, central on the bay, that they are subject to wave
action (pl. 34). Some of these mounds have their foundation below
sea level while others are raised on high bluffs and cliffs; but they
are all alike disappearing, though necessarily at very different
rates. One such mound, no. 266, situated on the bay shore north
of San Pablo Creek, has been washed away within the last three
or four years, the only signs of its former presence being certain
fragments of worked stone and a few human bones that lie
scattered over the muddy beach.
The suggestion that some of the deposits examined have their
bases below sea level is of special significance and will be considered in detail later; it will be enough to state here that the
subsidence appears to have affected the entire San Francisco Bay
region, and that it is of such magnitude as to make it seem
probable that a large number of mounds may have sunk entirely
out of sight.
In addition to these natural forces, acting in the capacity of
destroyers, there are to be taken into account several artificial
agencies. Thus agriculture has been practiced more or less intensively in the region for over one hulndred and twenty-five
years; and, judging from reports as well as from conditions at
the present time, it is not improbable that many of the mounds
have been either plowed down or literally removed. In a number
of cases where mounds have evidently disappeared in recent
years, reliable information was not to be obtained. The majority
of the country population, especially around the northern end
of the bay, are Portuguese ranchers, mostly of the first generation, who know little or nothing about the recent history of the
region. A little experience made it evident that negative information was not to be implicitly relied upon. All the more suitable
places, such as springs and streams and canyons, were visited;
but very often mounds of comparatively large size were found
by chance in what appeared to be most unnatural situations.

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All the foregoing circumstances clearly confirm the opinion
that the original number of shell heaps on the San Francisco
Bay shores may have been much larger than the figure now given,
and that indeed this figure may not even include all the deposits
existing at the present time. As to the latter point, however, it
is fairly certain that no mounds of any considerable size or
special importance are left unnumbered.
APPEARANCE, SIZE AND STATE OF PRESERVATION.

To detect the presence of a shell heap, even if inconsiderable in
size, is not as a rule a very difficult task. During the dry season,
and especially after the crops have been removed or the natural
vegetation has died down, a slightly bluish tinge, imparted by the
mussel shells, distinguishes these places often at a considerable distance. So also, immediately after the first heavy rains, the mound
material being unusually rich and vegetation quick to respond, the
sites lie revealed here and there before the observer as richly green
spots in the generally barren, dull-colored landscape. Another
fact which drew attention to the deposits was a frequently accompanying growth of buckeyes (Aescutus californica). Indeed, after
the relation once became apparent, the discovery of a group of
these trees often became an irresistible argument for making long
detours into parts otherwise judged unsuitable for mound sites.
As a rule trees do not grow directly on the mounds, unless there
happens to be a good deal of earth mixed up with the shell and
ashes; and the presence of the buckeyes immediately about the
deposits is somewhat of a puzzle. It is well known that the
Indians of recent times prepared the large, bitter nuts of this tree
for food. They are said, moreover, to have used its soft wood
for making fire and to have believed in the medicinal virtues of
its bark. There can be no doubt, therefore, that at least the latest
of the shellmound people also used some of the products of this
tree; but it is impossible to say whether they planted the trees
about their camps or whether the sites were originally chosen
because of the presence of the trees. The latter alternative seems
hardly tenable however; and neither may be correct, as the trees
in many instances (i.e., where they grow on top of the mounds),
must have developed from seeds scattered perhaps accidentally
at the time of the departure of the inhabitants.

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Certain definite physical conditions, such as the presence of
fresh water, timber, shelter from the wind, and easy access to the
sea shore, appear to have controlled the location of most of the
camps; and the presence of these elements, singly or in combination, in turn yields valuable guidance. Fresh water was probably one of the first essentials, and it is often to-day a matter of
superstitious conviction with the old settlers that "wherever you
find an Indian mound, there you'll find water-if you look long
enough." Generally the connection holds, but not invariably,
and this partly by reason of the geological changes which have
taken place in the region since the shellmounds were begun.
The size and form of the shell heaps, while often much altered
by one cause or another, are still in most cases approximately
determinable. For instance, if a mound has been partly hauled
away, abundance of material made economy unnecessary, and the
thinner peripheral portion is usually left undisturbed. Actual
dimensions vary greatly. Thus the basal diameters range from
thirty to six hundred feet, and the height runs from a few inches
up to nearly thirty feet. Curiously enough, the famous mound
referred to the San Francisco Bay region by Southall and
De Roo,9 and probably the same that Marquis Nadaillact0 locates
at San Pablo, was not found; and in spite of the fact that it is
definitely described as measuring one mile by a half-mile across
and as having a height of over twenty feet, it appears never to
have existed. There are, however, three mounds of more than
average size in the vicinity of the old Spanish town, and the circumstance that these lie within the area of half a square mile may
possibly have given rise to the error.
The typical shell heap of the San Francisco Bay region is
oval or oblong in outline, with smooth slopes, steepest of course
on the short transverse diameter; and the longer axis is generally
parallel to the shore-line or stream to which the pile may be
contiguous.
A remarkable fact about the accumulations is that while they
are made up of comparatively loose material they do not appear
to weather appreciably. This may be due partly to the resisting
9 P. de Roo, Hist. of Am. before Columbus, p. 54.
10 Marquis de Nadaillac, Prehist. Am., p. 50.

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quality of the shells and partly also to the binding power of the
broken fragments which, when laid down horizontally, may in
some degree resemble loess in structure, and, like loess, cave less
readily than ordinary soil. To illustrate this binding power may
be cited the fact that it has been found safe and practicable to
sink a vertical shaft, six feet square, through twenty-five feet of
the-material without the provision of a curbing. In one instance
such a shaft was carried about twelve feet below sea level, but
even the strong head of water failed to break down the walls. At
the surface, the shell disintegrates somewhat, but probably more
in consequence of vegetal processes than those of weathering. It
would appear therefore that under perfectly natural conditions
the configuration of the mounds would have remained perhaps
almiost unchanged for many decades, if not for centuries; and
they might in that condition have told a valuable story. As it
is, on account of recent artificial disturbances, it is generally
uncertain precisely in what state the mounds were left. Nevertheless, a few of the larger and better preserved examples present
roughly flattened tops and in two instances these surfaces are
dotted with distinct saucer-like depressions, as of house pits.
The state of preservation of the mounds, just touched upon, is
a matter of some consequence. It so happens that the majority
of the larger accumulations lie precisely in the places since found
suitable for habitation by the modern invaders, and therefore
have to give way to the requirements of civilization. Towns, are
growing up in the principal valleys favored by the shellmound
peoples; and in the canyons, as well as on the plains, ranch houses
often cluster about, and not infrequently occupy the summits of
these ancient dwelling sites. The accumulated refuse has also
been found useful in many ways. For example, the composition
will sometimes yield splendid crops of potatoes and other vegetables; and this fact, as it has become known, has generally led
to reduction and cultivation of the mounds. In addition to this
source of destruction, the material is removed to serve a variety
of purposes, such as ballast for roads and sidewalks, as garden
fertilizer, and even as chicken feed. It is said that the mound
material, mixed with rock salt, produces tennis courts that for,
combined firmness and elasticity are unexcelled. The result is

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Nelson.-Shellmounds of the Sant Francisco Bay Region.

327

that while there is still ample opportunity for the investigator,
not a single mound of any size is left in its absolutely pristine
condition.
Many of the accumulations, as indicated on the map, have
disappeared in recent years, leaving only the faint traces that
lead to inquiries, and usually to only very general results. The
artifacts from these obliterated deposits have as a rule been
scattered broadcast among individual curio seekers; and even
when found in more or less representative groups, there are no
accompanying data. It is said that a good share of the archaeological material from the two large mounds formerly located
in the town of San Rafael found its way to the British Museum
in London; but, according to the informant who claims to have
culled the deposits for the one-time English consul at San Francisco, no detailed records went with it. From only two more of
the destroyed sites is any collection known to be extant. The
Golden Gate Park Museum of San Francisco obtained some years
ago a small but quite complete culture exhibit from mound no.
276, at one time located in the yards of the Standard Oil Company at Richmond; and only recently the city of Alameda collected a small group of implements from no. 316, a large shell
heap formerly located near the intersection of High Street and
Santa Clara Avenue.
Exclusive of the results obtained in the systematic work
carried on during the last six years by the University of California, there are only a few minor collections from mounds still
partially intact. The Stanford University Mluseum is in possession of several pieces from no. 356, near Mayfield; the owner of
no. 3, at Sausalito, shares with the public school of that place
a collection of skulls and stone implements; and from no. 199,
at Lakeville, a small exhibit has found its way to the Dime
Museum in Petaluma. All of these collections, while taken from
scattered sites, are numerically small and probably in no case
fully representative of the given culture, and cannot therefore
furnish an entirely safe basis for comparison and generalization.
Enough is known to warrant the statement that a general
similarity in culture obtains for the entire region; but the differences, if any, remain to be brought out clearly.

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SITUATION WITH RESPECT TO SHORE-LINE AND SEA-LEVEL.

The shell heaps under consideration are situated in a great
variety of places; but, on the whole, the positions may be characterized as convenient rather than in any sense strategic. Many
of the largest mounds are located at the head of the sheltered
coves, yet not a few deposits lie in thoroughly exposed places, out
on the bliffs and higher headlands. Occasionally a hillside, with
or without any accommodating shelf or hollow, has been chosen,
doubtless on account of some small spring issuing in the vicinity.
Good illustrations are furnished by no. 65, at Corte Madera, and
no. 379, near South San Francisco. From San Rafael northward
nearly every ravine and every gully appears to have offered
attractions. But the great majority of the mounds are situated
on or near the small streams, though with considerable indifference, it seems, as to whether the surrounding country is barren
plain or timbered hills. Wherever a group of separate deposits
line a stream it is usual to find the largest accumulations at the
lower end of the series. Lastly, some mounds are found in apparently unnatural situations, such as on the plain where no
streams pass, or out in the salt-marsh where fresh water could not
be had; and a few deposits are to be seen also on the small islands,
both those immediately surrounded by marsh and those which are
completely insulated by deep and swift currents.
Normally the shell heaps lie quite close to the open waters.
The only general variation from this rule occurs on the north and
northwest, where some of the deposits are situated four or five
miles back from the present shore. But it seems legitimate to
assume in explanation of this fact that at least the larger and
older of the accumulations in this locality were begun, if not
actually abandoned, prior to the building up of the now broad
belt of reclaimable marsh, away from which they do not in any
case extend very far. A more singular and striking exception
occurs on the east, between Rodeo Creek and Carquinez Strait,
where two neighboring mounds are situated comparatively far
inland and at unusual elevations. Thus no. 254, directly east of
the town of Rodeo, is located nearly one and one-fourth miles
back from the shore, at an approximate elevation of two hundred

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and twenty-five feet; and south of this mound, on Rodeo Creek,
lies no. 259, which is over two miles inland and about one hundred
and twenty-five feet above sea level. Both were extra large
mounds and probably of relatively great age.
The unusual situation of the two deposits mentioned above,
while suggestive perhaps of a local rise, may after all be perfectly normal. The barren hills close to the shore offer little
attraction, while back in the canyons, where the mounds lie, the
laurel and the oak find existence possible on the shaded slopes,
about the springs and along the wet-weather gullies. There is
also the further argument against a recent upward movement,
namely, that within two or three miles on either side of the
elevated deposits several shell heaps of more than average dimensions are situated at sea level, with indications of having been
lowered into their present position. Among these apparently
lowered deposits may be specified no. 236, at the head of Glen
Cove on Carquinez Strait, and no. 262, on the San Pablo Bay
shores, southwest of Pinole. But, whatever may have taken place in
this particular locality, there can be no doubt about the subsidence
of the bay region as a whole or concerning the fact that however
ancient or slow this movement, the latter portion of it was
witnessed by man.
As a natural consequence of favoring proximity to the open
shore, the shell heaps tend to keep close to sea level. The fact is
that nearly all the mounds lie within fifty feet of the surface of
the bay waters, and this may be termed the normal zone. But
exceptions occur on either side of this zone; and these, because of
their numerical scarcity, are perhaps all the more significant.
We have already seen that two mounds lie very far above the
normal zone, and there remains only to state that at least ten of
the known deposits extend below sea level. Most of these sunken
accumulations, it is true, occur in the central part of the region,
about Berkeley and Richmond, and also on the opposite shore,
near Tiburon; but good examples are not entirely wanting at
either extremity. Thus to the north one large mound lies well
out in the Petaluma Creek marsh, off Lakeville; while to the south
there remains at least one small shell heap, scarcely noticeable any
longer, out on the reclaimed flood lands on the north bank of the

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Coyote River; and there is evidence that two additional deposits
once lay on the marshy shore near the south end of the Coyote
Hills.'1 Besides these ten or twelve partially submerged accumulations, there are also the scattered deposits previously mentioned
as giving indication of having been lowered to their present
position, within reach of the waves.
The foundations upon which the submerged refuse heaps rest
are generally of firm material, excluding the possibility of the
accumulated weight of the mound having forced the mass below
sea level. Several of these unique deposits lie on the alluvial
slopes; but others, such as those on Brooks Island (pl. 34, fig. 2)
and at Tiburon, rest on older formations, even upon solid rock.
Up to the present time only three of the ten submerged deposits
have been carefully tested for depth, and these show a subsidence
ranging from three to eighteen feet.
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION AND ITS CONTROL.

A glance at the map will show the relative frequency of the
shell heaps along the bay shore to vary somewhat locally. It is
uncertain, of course, what the original geographical distribution
may have been, on account of the disturbing factors, more or less
active, all around the bay. At the same time, it is hardly to be
doubted that economy was in some sense a primitive trait, or that
these rude savages had intelligence enough to take advantage of a
combination of favorable circumstances. At any rate, judging
from present conditions, the general scarcity of mounds at the
extremities of the region under consideration does not seem inexplicable. The southern arm of San Francisco Bay can not now
be regarded as entirely suitable, even if molluscs were abundant;
and there is no indication of any very recent change from a better
to a worse condition. To be near the main source of animal food
would often mean to be several miles distant from the foothills
which yielded wood, acorns, berries, etc. And granted even that
the alluvial slope was covered with live-oak, which is not at all
probable, the water supply close to the shore-line, would still be
11 Since formulating the above statement the writer visited Halfmoon Bay
to locate the mounds thought to exist in that region and thus to complete the
survey of the coast line included in the accompanying map. Several mounds
were found here and the largest of these, situated just inside Pillar Point,
lies well out in the marsh and certainly goes below sea level.

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a very uncertain quantity during the dry season. Finally, to
judge from the nature of the shell heaps now remaining about the
southern end of the bay, molluscs then as now, were not plentiful
or were not easily obtained. Central on the bay, however, and
especially on the west side from San Mateo to Petaluma, the more
or less wooded hills, charged with springs and streams, come in
many places directly to the open water and here, consequently,
as might be expected, the mounds are relatively numerous. On
the east side, from Alameda to Carquinez Strait, the deposits are
also at intervals quite well represented both as to number and
size; and this fact can hardly escape relation to another fact,
namely, the comparative narrowness or entire absence of the
alluvial plain, which brings the small wooded canyons within easy
reach of the shore. There is one exception to this generalization
in the case of the mounds located on or near the Potrero- Hills in
the vicinity of Richmond; for here, at the present time at least,
both water and wood are practically absent. It may be assumed,
however, that recent changes have removed these necessities or
else that an extraordinary abundance of shell fish was the compensating element.
Reasonable proof of the suggestion that the presence of shell
fish was the first essential to a camp is furnished by the ocean
shore. Conditions have been closely studied here for about two
hundred miles adjacent to San Francisco Bay, i.e., from Halfmoon Bay to the mouth of the Russian River; and the results are
not without interest. Water and shelter are easily obtained and
timber also is fairly abundant north of the Golden Gate; but the
nature of the beach is either unfavorable for a molluscan fauna
or is too steep and difficult of approach. Consequently, within the
mapped limits, mounds are scarce except at the head of Halfmoon
Bay, where shelter is good though timber is lacking. The few
deposits indicated along the coast northward are often not even
near any of the predisposing elements, but lie exposed on high
barren rocks and sand dunes. But along the coast immediately
to the north of the map, shell heaps, though usually small, are
very numerous, particularly on Tomales and Bodega bays where
all the favorable conditions obtain.

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NATURE OF THE SHELLMOUNDS.

GENERAL STATUS OF SHELLMOUND INVESTIGATION.

Since the first recognition of their place in culture history,
artificial heaps of shell have been observed in many parts of the
accessible world. They occur not only on various of the islands
and along the continental shores, but have been traced inland along
the rivers and their lacustrine ramifications, being here often
partially or wholly replaced by accumulations of earth. Even the
more isolated lakes of the far interior, whenever capable of supporting molluscan forms of life, appear to have attracted more or
less permanent settlement of primitive peoples. In brief, it seems
to be true that, given the proper environment, these accumulations
have been found wherever due search has been made.
Actual study of the contents of these shell heaps has not yet
proceeded very far on a world scale. Aside from the initial work
in Denmark,12 begun in 1851, systematic investigation seems to
have been carried on most extensively in the United States,
specifically in Florida'3 and the adjacent Atlantic and Gulf states,
on the Aleutian Islands,14 and in the Puget Sound country.15
Some minor studies have also been made in scattered places on the
Pacific Coast from the Columbia River to Southern California, as
well as on the Atlantic shores from Virginia to Labrador. There
are besides, for the world at large, some more or less complete
records of investigations in such widely separated localities as the
West Indies,'6 Brazil,'7 Chili,18 Peru,19 Japan,20 Australia,2' Italy,
12 Smith. Rep., 1860; also Affaldsdynger fra Steenalderen in Danmark by
Sophus Muller, K. J. V. Steenstrup and others, Kjobenhavn, 1900.
13 Moore, Clarence B., Certain Shellheaps on the St. John 's River, Amer.
Naturalist, 1904. Also this author 's publications by the Academy of Natural
Science of Philadelphia.
14 Dall, W. H., Tribes of Extreme Northwest, Contrib. N. Amer. Ethnol.,
Vol. I.
15 Smith, H. I., Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. I, part 6; Vol. II, parts
4 and 6, of the publications of the Jesup Expedition.
16 Fewkes, J. W., The Aborigines of Puerto Rico, Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.
Ethn., 25, p. 275.
'7Relus, J. J. E., The Earth and Its Inhabitants, Vol. II, p. 88.
i8 Evans, 0. H., Notes on Stone Age in Chili; Man, London, 1906.
19 Uhle, Max., Los Kjoekkenmoddings del Peru; Rev. Hist., Lima, 1906.
20 Morse, E. S., Shellmounds of Omori, Univ. of Tokio Pub., 1879.
21 Roth, W. E., North Queensland Ethnog. Bull., No. 3, 1901, p. 7.

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Spain,22 France, and the British Isles. In many cases, however,
the work seems to have been inadequate for rigid analysis; and the
present study, which is scarcely more than superficial, must therefore be limited to comparisons along only the broadest lines.
RELATION OF SHELLMOUNDS TO OTHER PRIMITIVE STRUCTURES.

The abundance and world-wide distribution of shellmounds
may, it seems, be considered as tending to indicate the wide distribution of the human race by the time it had begun effectively
and consistently to devise improvements on nature. The shell
heaps are themselves a species of invention; and as such they are
particularly interesting from a psycho-historical point of view, in
that it appears as if they might have resulted from an accident
by which, possibly, they became the models for the earthworks
so exceedingly numerous in the interiors of Europe and North
America. It would be going too far perhaps to assert, without
qualification, that all the shell heaps antedate all the earth
mounds, either temporally or culturally. At the same time, it
would seem in accord with reason, and certainly not contrary to
the accounts of early explorers, that, exclusive of limited groupings in the caves and natural recesses of the interior, the most
primitive form of voluntary community life began, and was for
a long time confined, largely to the shore margins of the continents. Here only could animal food be obtained in any quantity and literally bare-handed. The enforced community life
may also be supposed to have furthered the division of labor
necessary to the perfection of implements and weapons with
which to conquer the interior. At any rate, permanent settlement or continued maintenance of life in the interior required,
besides considerable knowledge respecting the utilization of vegetable products, a certain skill in the production and use of
weapons such as only a long period of time and experience
could supply.
It is possible that what the observed geographical distribution
suggests may be disproved by a thorough examination of cultural
22 Ranke, J., Der Mensch II, p. 553.
For a fuller bibliography of the Pacifie Coast shellmounds see Vol. 7,
No. 1, p. 6, of the present series.

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and palaeontological remains. It is probable, moreover, that the
designer of modern palaces may disdain tracing the origin of his
art to any thing so lowly as even the most elaborate executions
done in earth; although, for our purposes, it is essential to
acknowledge every perceptible or possible step in both art and
science. And, if in looking for the beginnings of architecture,
we are permitted to pass beyond the rough masonry of the cliffdwellers and the rude, often earth-covered, burial chambers of
Megalithic times, to the earth mounds themselves, then perhaps
we may proceed even so far as the shell heaps; for these accumulations appear in reality to represent the transition from what
began as a mere accident and often ended in a structure with
more or less definitely recognized purposes.
Turning to the shell heaps in the San Francisco Bay region,
it is only by a wide stretch of the imagination that they can be
considered "structures" in an architectural sense. They are thus
at once to be distinguished from the pretentious earthworks of
the Ohio Valley. Beyond the fact that the shell heaps under consideration were used for burial and domiciliary purposes, and
were sometimes raised into more or less conical mounds, they
show no evidence of consciously constructive design. There are
no effigy mounds among them, as in Brazil ;23 nor are there any
strong suggestions of defensive or ceremonial purposes about
them, as in Australia.24 At the same time these accumulations
are not quite in the same class with the enormous shell heaps
which, whether entirely artificial or not, are found in several
places on the Atlantic shores of both North25 and South America.
where they often cover many acres to a depth of as much as
twenty feet. From previous description it will be recognized
that the San Francisco Bay shell heaps are comparatively small
23 See Reclus, The Earth and the Inhabitants, p. 108.
Roth points out that the large and remarkably steep-sided shell

heaps
Hey and Emblev rivers in Australia could readily be
defended against attacking enemies and suggests further that the shell-andash composition probably afforded protection against fleas and other insects.
North Queensland Ethnography Bull., 3, p. 7.
Mound no. 256, east of Rodeo, is situated on a hillside directly above the
entrance to a cave. This cavern, said to be forty feet long and of more than
man's height, may well have served for protection against enemies but its
chief importance was probably as a source of water supply.
24

at the junction of the

25 e.g., Holmes, W. H., Am. Anthropologist, n. s., Vol. IX, p. 113.

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in volume; but, judging from the nature of their composition and
the probable slow rate of their accumulation, they may reasonably be considered fully as ancient as any known deposits elsewhere in America. They are kitchen middens, of the type found
in Denmark, and have their counterpart in certain shell heaps in
the Gulf and Atlantic Coast states, and in their general nature
quite agree with the refuse heaps in the vicinity of Puget Sound
on the northwest coast. From a strictly cultural standpoint the
group may in a way be said to show wide affiliations along certain
broad lines, but to be otherwise quite isolated.
COMPOSITION AND INTERNAL STRUCTURE.

The San Francisco Bay shell heaps contain, besides molluscan
remains, a large percentage of ashes and charcoal, together with
varying quaptities of broken rock and waterworn pebbles. Occasionally there seems also to have been added more or less of
ordinary earth or dirt, until in some of the mounds-and usually
those farthest from the shore-the shells become an almost
negligible element. The presence of the pebbles in some of the
deposits is difficult to explain, unless they were brought with the
earth; and this seems not always to have been the case because
the pebbles are often most abundant in the accumulations containing little but shell and ashes. Furthermore, it is to be
observed that some of the mounds containing the pebbles are
situated on the marsh and in other places near which pebbles are
not now to be obtained.
The cracked and broken rocks, which were supposedly brought
together chiefly for hearth and cooking stones, vary in kind
locally, but foreign specimens are everywhere present and some
of these must have been brought long distances.
The internal structure of the mounds has been studied with
some minuteness in three places, and has besides been observed
in several other widely separated localities where either natural
or artificial agencies have exposed the interior to view. To
speak of definite structure in a promiscuous mixture of more or
less broken shell and other matter may be unwarrantable; nevertheless, bedding planes or lines of deposition are often made
visible by sudden changes in the shell species or may be inferred

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from streaks of ashes running through the mass. In the Emeryville mound distinct strata are in fact produced by alternating
depositions of raw and calcined shells. But this is an exceptional
occurrence. The burnt shells and ashes, always most apparent in
the upper levels of the deposits, occur usually in streaks and
sometimes in large pockets, mixed with rock, as if marking
individual fireplaces. It is a noteworthy fact, however, that,
unlike the shell heaps in the Aleutian Islands, these show unmistakable evidences of the use of fire from the very beginning
Thus, while actual fireplaces are not readily detectable in the
lower levels, charcoal is abundant at the bottoms of two thirtyfoot mounds and has been brought up repeatedly from points
twelve to eighteen feet below high tide level. In one of the
mounds, however, a shade of doubt is cast on this point owing to
the fact that the material at the bottom seems to have been disturbed or at any rate does not truly represent the center, i.e., the
oldest part of the accumulation.
In general, the vertical section of a mound begins at the top
with a foot or two of somewhat finely disintegrated material;
grows loose, coarse and distinct in structure for some distance;
and, finally, the lower end of the column becomes a compact and
practically homogeneous mass in which nearly all the shells are
crushed. At first, such a condition seems perfectly natural. But
the rule does not hold in all cases. That the disintegration at
the surface is the normal result of weathering and vegetal
processes need not be doubted; but the finely broken shells of the
lower half or two-thirds of the pile do not represent a clear case
of disintegration. It is true that the lower levels of the mounds
in question are made up largely of mussel shells, the bits of which
are somewhat softened and fragile, though they still retain their
lustre; and it might be argued that the mere weight had crushed
the mass and reduced it to its present consistency. However,
there is a small admixture of clam and oyster shells, nearly
always crushed to the same fineness as the mussels, but sometimes
scattered about entirely unbroken. The clam and oyster fragments are still quite as firm as the shells of the present day; and
if weight or disintegrating processes reduced some, why not all?
Again, if the weight could crush the mussel shells in some of the

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337

mounds, why not in the rest ? It would seem that the lower, compact portions of some of the mounds were laid down under
different conditions from those on the top. In two mounds the
line dividing the finer and the coarser depositions is very sharp
and distinct, but whether it represents a long interval of time or
corresponds to a change of inhabitants is made clear neither by
the remains of the higher animals nor by the cultural evidences.
MOLLUSCAN REMAINS.

Of the molluscan remains the "soft-shelled" clam, Macoma
nasuta, and the "soft-shelled" mussel, Mytitus edulis, are common to all the mounds, and usually make up the bulk of the
material. The only marked exception to this rule occurs in the
mounds at Point Isabel, West Berkeley, Alameda, and San Mateo,
where the oyster, Ostrea lurida,-practically absent in the sites
bordering the extremities of the bay-is found in great quantities. Other species such as the large "hard-shelled" clam, Tapes
staminea; the long "hard-shelled" mussel, Mytilus californianus;
the cockle, Cardium corbis; the abalone, Haliotis rufescens, and
three small univalves, Purpura crispata, Cerithidea caltifornica,
and Acmaea patina are only sparsely represented. Of these, the
two first named univalves and the mussel may have had restricted
habitats in the bay; while the clam, the cockle and the abalone
were probably brought from the ocean shore.
Some changes appear to have affected the species and their
habitats in the bay since the shellmound people arrived. The
native oyster, for example, no longer breeds in the bay, except
possibly off San Mateo; the "hard-shelled" mussel has been
observed only on the ocean shore where the rough surf plays;
and none of the univalVes mentioned above have been noticed
anywhere about the bay. A particular species of clam, Mya
arenaria Linn., observed only in one mound, central in the region,
seems now to thrive wonderfully in most parts of the bay. A
new mussel, Modiola sp., is said to have been imported from the
Atlantic Coast within historic times and samples of its shell have
been found on the surface of one or two of the mounds. Oysters
from the Atlantic Coast have been planted in the bay in recent
times and these appear to thrive fully as well as any of the native

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molluscs, though at the present time all of them are threatened
by crude petroleum which escapes in the form of waste from the
various oil-works located on the bay shore.
Of all the molluscs represented in the shellmounds only the
common clam and mussel seem to have persisted since the
middens began to accumulate; and these are still found in sufficient quantities in the bay to supply the markets of all the
bordering cities. Certain mounds do nevertheless furnish indication of probable local changes in the preponderating species; and
wherever these changes are marked, it is the mussel which is most
abundant in the lower strata while the clam becomes suddenly
quite excessive in the upper horizons. It is impossible* to say
whether these changes are due to biological or geological causes.
Probably the rate of sedimentation has been a vital factor; in any
case, the sinking of the region and the disappearance of rockbound shores would have seriously affected the life of the mussel.
It is interesting also in this connection to learn from the fishermen that the last twenty years have witnessed some very marked
fluctuations both in the quantity and the habitat of the shellfish.
Following is a list of molluscs known to occur in the shellmounds:
Oyster, Ostrea lurida.
Mussels, Mytilus edulis and M. californianus.
Modiola, sp.
Soft-shelled clams, Macoma nasuta (and M. edulis?).
Myra arenaria.
Hard-shelled clams, Tapes stamitiea and T. tenerrima.
Cockle, Cardium corbis.
Abalone, Haliotis rufescens.
Purpura crispata and P. caniiculata.
Cerithidea californica.
Olivella biplicata.
Acmea patina.
Standella, sp.
Land snails, Helix, two species.
VERTEBRATE FAUNA.

While the indicated change in the preponderating shell species
is of no particular cultural significance, it is otherwise with the
remains of the vertebrates represented. There are no sharp
changes from invertebrates to vertebrates and from fishes to

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339

mammals, such as Dall appeared to find in the Aleutian Island
shell heaps. But progress is here. Mammalian bones seem to
occur at all levels in some of the largest mounds; yet it is safe to
say that more than ninety-five per cent., quantitatively measured,
are confined to the upper six or eight feet. The doubt implied is
again due to the uncertainty as to whether or not the excavations
reached the oldest part of the mounds. But in any case, the
occasional surprise or accidental capture in earliest times of big
game, marine or terrestrial, counts little against the successful
slaughter of a great variety of animals in later days.
Fishing may or may not have been an important industry.
There happen to be very few fish bones in the mound material,
although the grooved stones, usually held to have been netsinkers, occur at all levels in some of the deposits. It is of course
possible that fish may have been cured for consumption elsewhere.
Bird bones, apparently of ducks and waders, are rather
numerous, especially in the upper strata. Their presence suggests two things: first, that at least the latest mound people lived
on the bay shore during the winter time, when ducks were
present; and, second, that these peoples possessed no domestic
dog. The latter inference is based simply on the fact that no
half savage, hungry dog would have left the bird bones in the
condition in which they are often found.
The identified animal bones include the following species:
Deer, Cervus, sp.
Elk, Cervus canadensis.
Sea-otter, Enhydra lutris.2s
Beaver, Castor canadensis.
Squirrel, Spermophilus, sp.
Rabbit, Lepus, sp.
Gopher, Thomomys talpoides.
Racoon, Procyon lotor.
Badger, Taxidea, sp.
Skunk, Memphitis occidentalis.
Wild cat, Lynx, sp.
Bear, Ursus, sp.

Dog, Canis familiaris.27(?)

Seal, Phoca, sp.
Sea-lion, Zalophus californianus.(1)
Porpoise, Phocaena communis.
Whale.
Canvasback Duck, Aythya vallisneria.
Goose. (?)
Cormorant, Phlaeocorax, sp.
Waders, or some large birds.
Turtle.
Skates, Thornbacks, and other fish.
Wolf, Canis, sp.

26 Otter must once have been plentiful in the region because, according to
Spanish history, the skin was an object of trade for an indefinite period from
the time of occupancy in 1769.
27 The remains found, in one case at least, were doubtless those of a recent
animal accidentally left on the mound.

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CULTURE AND HISTORY OF THE SHELLMOUND PEOPLE.

MATERIAL CULTURE.

The augmenting capacity of the shellmound people, implied
in a measure by their more and more successful hunting, is made
sufficiently evident by a study of the artifacts. As with the
animal bones, while some of the preserved suggestions of industrial life occur from the bottom of the accumulations to the top,
they are after all relatively abundant only in the upper levels.
But this fact would of itself prove little did not the implements
of later times also show much greater variety and specialization
as well as perfected workmanship. Viewing the culture as presented in its entirety however, the change or progress is not
perhaps so clear and marked as might have been expected. These
people, rude as they may have been, from the start employed
fire; used prepared vegetable foods; satisfied their hunting
instinct; and fished, supposedly with seine-if they ever fished
at all. They also used body-paint and they buried their dead.
In other words, they were from the beginning quite above the
stage in which savage man may be supposed to have struggled
for his mere existence alone. The later mound occupants may
have brought, or, if they were direct descendants of the first
inhabitants, may have originated activities along other fundamental lines; though the clear proof of such seems wanting. For
instance, it is tolerably certain that skin-dressing and basketry
were practiced in late times, but with our present knowledge it
would be unsafe to say when these arts began or even that they
did not arrive with the first appearance of the mound people.
More evident seems the relatively recent development of certain
luxurious habits and tastes such as are implied by the presence
of pipes, musical devices and decorative objects. Finally, it may
be well to add that there appears to be no form of artifact found
at the bottom of the accumulations that does not also occur near
the top.
The culture as observed, were one to describe it in terms of the
present system of archaeological classification, is neolithic. Some
roughly chipped flint and chert flakes were indeed found in the
lower horizons of one of the shell heaps, but these pieces may

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hardly be considered palaeolithic in the true sense. As would be
expected, only such effects as are made of bone and stone and
shell have resisted disintegration, and these remnants include
weapons, household utensils, working tools, ornaments and possibly ceremonial objects. Such fundamental things as spear and
arrow points, mortars and pestles, hammer stones and roughly
grooved sinkers occur at all levels in many of the deposits; but
the shapely and sometimes highly polished bone awls, the graceful
" charm stones, " the delicately worked stone pipes, the bone
whistles, the stone labrets and certain shell beads and pendants,
all appear to be confined to the upper horizons in at least some
of the very largest mounds. The record, apparently so clear and
simple, is nevertheless difficult to interpret with certainty, and
even if it be accepted at face value, there still remains a legitimate doubt as to whether the cumulative nature of the culture
is due to the natural development of a fixed population or is the
result of substitution by conquest or migration.
Mention may be made of certain minor local variations in the
culture of the mound group. Some of these changes may possibly correspond to the recently determined geographical limits
of native linguistic stocks, but there are others of which this
cannot be true. For example, the grooved sinker occurs in great
abundance in some deposits; while in others, closely adjacent, it
appears to be entirely absent. There has been found also in the
northeastern part of the region a particular form of mortar-a
large, roughly rectangular slab with a small bowl on the smoothed
side-which has not been observed anywhere else, the usual
mortar being either globose or bucket-shaped. Other differences
are apparent, but they must await further investigation.
While, as previously observed, the study of shell heaps here
and elsewhere does not yet warrant detailed culture comparisons
on a world scale, some features at least seem to stand out pretty
clearly. In the first place, this type o$ culture represents almost
everywhere a relatively low stage and for that reason-the
primitive needs being identical-shows several broad similarities,
particularly in the nature of the pointed and sharp-edged types
of implements. Thus the bone awl, the wedge, the flint flake, and
even spear and arrow points differ comparatively little for the

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University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 7

entire world. All this seems natural enough because the piercing
point and the cutting edge really embody fundamental requisites,
such as are furnished by nature to many of man's competitors in
the animal world.
Specialization is probably a question both of time and of
ingenuity. For a long period it was doubtless held in check
partly by the manner of occupation a given environment compelled and partly also by the nature of the raw material furnished by any particular geographical area. Consequently it
may be assumed that real differentiation did not appear, on
many lines, until individual imagination and taste were ripe
enough for expression. But even the artistic instinct has asserted
itself similarly over vast geographical areas, though doubtless
many products apparently under this category may be the result
either of trade or migration. As examples may be mentioned
the "charm stones" and certain shell ornaments that are found
on the Atlantic as well as on the Pacific shores of North America.
In the second place, if we except Europe or those parts of the
world thoroughly changed by Aryan or other acculturation, it
may be stated with some degree of confidence that cultures of the
various shellmound groups, in so far as they differ among themselves, usually agree with or shade into the civilization attained
by the natives perhaps still occupying the respective regions.
Referring to the positive side, the culture of the San Francisco
Bay shell heaps conforms, at least in its broader features, to that
of the late Indians of the surrounding territory roughly designated as Middle California, somewhat as the attainments of the
shellmound peoples on the Atlantic shores appear to have shaded
into the civilization of the there native Red Man of historic
times. Again, negatively considered, while pottery or evidence of
work in clay is common to every one of the known shellmound
groups in all the rest of the world, it is absent from the San
Francisco Bay deposits piecisely as it is in Central California
ethnology. In conformity also to the same rule, no native-worked
metals have been found here although such occur in many shell
heaps, even in those so near as Puget Sound, where are also
found certain entirely unique rock sculptures. It would appear,
therefore, that so far as may be judged from the cultural evi-

�1909]

Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region.

343

dences above, no very definite conclusions can ever be reached
regarding the origin of the shellmound peoples and their possible
migrations. There remains, however, another means of determination, which may prove more fruitful, namely an examination
of the skeletal material.
HUMAN REMAINS.

Fortunately the shellmound peoples everywhere it seems,
except in Denmark, have interred their dead in the accumulated
refuse on which they lived. It is certain at least that all the
mounds of any size in the San Francisco Bay region contain
numerous burials and the remains, even those beneath the sealevel, are often remarkably well preserved.
At the outset one is disposed to wonder at such a world-wide
practice that really appears to have no precise explanation. The
religious motive is sometimes assigned, and while there is no good
ground for disputing such a view, especially as nearly all human
actions appear to have had some religious significance at one time
or another; still a thoroughly practical reason may not be entirely
wanting. The shell deposits, it will be recognized, are made up
usually of loose, porous material very easily dug into with a stick
or a shell or even with the bare fingers; on the other hand, to
make a hole large enough to accommodate a human body in
ordinary California soil is a hard task at some seasons of the
year, even with modern tools. However, this is merely suggestive, and primitive man may have had other reasons for burial
of his dead in the mounds.
The mortuary customs cannot here be considered in full
detail. It will be enough to state that the common practice from
the start seems to have been interment rather than cremation,
though occasional evidence 'of the latter has been observed. The
particular disposition of the remains varies decidedly, sometimes
even in the same mound. Occasionally the body has been laid out
at full length with the face either up or down. At other times
the arms and legs have been folded tightly against the trunk and
the body laid face down. But as a rule the remains lie on the
side with the limbs more or less flexed. Group burials of two or
more are also not uncommon, the remains lying usually very

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University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 7

snugly, spoon fashion. No attention seems to have been paid to
cardinal directions, as is popularly supposed; nor do there
appear to be any interments in a sitting posture. The great
majority of the remains are not accompanied by artifacts of any
kind. Occasionally a male is fitted out with pipes and weapons,
while a few females may be supplied with mortar and pestle and
sometimes several awls. Children have invariably been accompanied by beads and trinkets made of sea shell. There is also
reason for believing that food was placed with the body, pockets
of unopened bivalves having on several occasions been found close
to the remains.
No careful study has been made of the osteological remains as
yet because it is hoped that additional material may be secured
from at least a few more mounds. But to all appearances the
shellmound peoples were of average build, with some amount of
variation in skull form, but with no striking peculiarities.
ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE.

The first questions naturally asked in connection with the
study of these shell heaps concern either the age they represent
or the people who made them. Were they the progenitors of the
Indian or were they different? Enough has already been stated
to make it clear that there is thus far no definite reply to either
query. Speculation on such themes, perhaps indirectly fruitful,
has long been fascinating pastime; but for even a tentative
answer we must await a more thorough investigation of the facts
relating not only to these shellmound people but to the prehistoric Americans as a whole.
So far as concerns the San Francisco Bay people, we have
seen that there is no great gap either in the evolution of the
culture as traced from the bottom of the accumulations to the
top, or between the attainments of the last occupants and the
culture of the Indian who inhabited Middle California less than
a century ago. Moreover, as it is even certain that late Indians
lived on some of the sites until a few decades ago, it becomes
difficult to reject the opinion that the original migrants who
began the refuse accumulations were of his own race, if not his
direct ancestors. But it may be well to bear in mind that a

�1909]

Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Begion.

345

judgment based upon a culture so largely utilitarian is of
doubtful value, and possibly a careful study of the skeletal
material may lead to a different view.
AGE OF SETTLEMENTS.

A somewhat more definite statement may be ventured regarding the second question, namely as to the time elapsed since the
shell heaps were begun. It is of course impossible to fix the
absolute age of any of these repositories, but there are a number
of things that indicate their relative antiquity. Such facts are
for example the general absence of evidence suggesting European
contact; the amount of wash or drift that has covered up some
of the deposits; the fairly old trees that grow on the tops of two or
three of the mounds (pl. 32, fig. 1); the amount of subsidence of
the bay region which some of the deposits record, and the enormous
volume of sediment which has been deposited in various regions
of the bay, in part at least subsequent to the time when some of
the largest refuse heaps were abandoned. Add to these the suggestion of the enormous volume of some of the deposits, and their
great age, humanly speaking, must be apparent.
If one tries to estimate the duration in terms of years, a
difficulty presents itself at once in that it is impossible to know
whether the mound people shifted from one site to another, at
Darwin observed in Patagonia, or whether they even lived on the
bay shore at all seasons of the year. It has been suggested in
connection with the presence of bird bones in the deposits that
the occupants lived by the water during the winter, but there is
no proof that they followed the recent custom of retiring to the
hills during the summer. If territorial boundaries were respected
in those days as in later times, then, in view of the fact that the
immediately surrounding hills are not altogether favorable as
summer retreats, it may be assumed, for our purposes, that the
mound people remained practically stationary and drew a varying quantity of molluscs from the bay the year rouind.
For something more satisfactory than a guess let us estimate
the age of one of these accumulations on the basis of the probable
daily amount of deposition. Mound no. 295, at Ellis Landing, near
Richmond (pl. 33, fig. 2), which has a volume approximating

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University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.

[Vol. 7

1,260,000 cubic feet, may be used for this purpose. There were
on the top of this pile about fifteen house pits, and if we allow
an average of six persons to the family or house we may assume
a community of ninety or one hundred individuals of mixed age.
It has already been pointed out that these people hunted the
higher animals and utilized vegetable products, so that they were
never entirely dependent on the molluscs. Suppose, however,
that in the earliest times, when only the mussel was abundant,
they gathered a daily average of fifty shell fish per person, which
would of course leave considerably more than fifty for each
mature individual and an amount that, supplemented as it was
by other things, would probably be sufficient. Actual trial shows
that the volume yielded by the total 5,000 shells, crushed down
to their present consistency, would be about 1,200 cubic inches.
To this amount should be added a quantity of ashes, broken rock
and such extra debris as may collect about a camp-possibly
sufficient to make up one cubic foot for the daily average. Calculated on this basis it would apparently have required about 3,500
years to accumulate the pile. Even though one may refuse to
take these figures at anything like face value, if we consider that
the site was possibly not occupied for several centuries, and that
it may never have served as permanent residence, it becomes
reasonable still to believe that the mound is anyywhere from three
to four thousand years old.28
THE IMPLIED POPULATION.

In view of the astonishment commonly expressed with reference to the great number of shell heaps in the San Francisco Bay
group, it may not be out of place in closing to remark briefly on
the probable aboriginal population. There are insuperable difficulties in the way of arriving at even an approximately satisfactory answer to the question, and this would still be the case
were the original number of mounds present. In the first place,
it may safely be assumed that the shell heaps were not all begun
at the same time; and, in the second place, it is practically certain
28 Dall estimates 3,000 years as necessary for the accumulation of some
of the Aleutian Island mounds, and the age of some of the kitchen middens
in Denmark has been placed at 3,500 years.

�1909]

Nelson.-Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Begion.

347

that some of the very largest mounds were abandoned long before
others. The Spaniards explored the bay region quite thoroughly
in the year 1775, and they appear not to have observed
Indians living on the larger shellmounds near the shore unless
possibly on mound no. 3, at Sausalito, and at Crockett, on
the south side of Carquinez Strait ;29 but many informants
have pointed out both some of the smaller sites between San
Rafael and Petaluma and also some of the larger ones south
of San Mateo as having been occupied by the Indians as
late as 1870. Precisely how far the buried culture may substantiate these statements remains to be proved. On the one
hand, no sign of European influence has so far been encountered
in the three large mounds systematically investigated; but, on
the other hand, reports are current, mostly referring to long past
discoveries, in several of the mounds, that would suggest at least
indirect contact with higher civilization. These reported finds
include such things as "brick, of Spanish make," from mound
no. 3 at Sausalito; "red silk," supposedly from one of the San
Pablo mounds30; and from no. 232, on Mare Island, even a stone
slab, said to have been inscribed with "Egyptian hieroglyphics";
but the only recent and seemingly well authenticated find, coming
from near the surface of no. 316, the large Alameda mound
previously mentioned, is a small brass medal bearing the date of
1768.31
It appears therefore quite impossible to say how many of the
middens were occupied at any one time. Nevertheless, if we allow
that some of the older mounds have been submerged or obliterated
29 The report of Portola 's first overland expedition from San Diego to
San Francisco Bay, in 1769, says that they judged from the numerous
columns of smoke observed that the country about the south end of the bay
was well stocked with Indian villages. The party saw and had dealings with
the Indians while encamped on San Francisquito Creek. Later, in 1775,
Commander Ayala of the San Carlos, met or saw natives at two points on
the present site of San Francisco and also in the vicinity of Sausalito,
where, according to recent hearsay evidence, a populous Indian village
existed subsequent to 1838. Ca-mizares expressly states in his reconnaissance
report that he made four visits to an Indian rancheria on the south bank of
Carquinez Strait, near the west end, and that he counted there about 400
souls. See The March of Portold, pp. 39-68.
81 A fragment of a rectangular, three-legged metate like those common
to Middle America was also found in or upon one of the mounds at West
Berkeley.
30 Southall, J. C., Recent Origin of Man, p. 550.

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University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 7

and that others have been started in later times to take their
places, it is probable that the present number, about four hundred, is not so very far out of the way. If we may then judge
at all from the number of house pits found on some of the
mounds, the group as a whole may easily average, say five houses
to the mound; and estimating six individuals to each house or
family we get a population of twelve thousand. Such a figure
may seem a little startling at first, because every observer will
recognize that the territory in question could not support such a
population at the present time. Still there seems to be no inherent
reason why under former natural conditions a perfect utilization
of all the resources should not have maintained from ten to
twenty thousand individuals of mixed age. The figure at all
events is not so extraordinary in view of the fact that the estimated total of the aboriginal population for the entire state of
California has recently been set by Dr. C. H. Merriam at about
two hundred and sixty thousand.32
32

Amer. Anthropologist (n. s.), Vol. VII, No. 4, p. 594.

�</text>
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                  <text>PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY FOR CALIFORNIA ARCHAEOLOGY

1988-2004
"What Have We Here? The Rediscovery of Nelson's Mound 259°
James M. Allan
Abstract
In 1954, R. K. Beardsley defined the type component for a late Augustine settlement pattern known as the
Fernandez Facies. Beardsley based his definition of the facies on artifacts and features discovered during
excavations of a shell mound located east of Pinole on property owned by C. B. Fernandez. Known as the
Fernandez Mound, this shell mound has long been confused with the location of Nelson's shell mound #259
(CA-CCO-259). Recent archival and field research conducted by William Self Associates demonstrates that
Nelson's mound 259 and the Fernandez Mound were two different mounds, separated by nearly two miles,
and that it was the Fernandez Mound, not Nelson's mound 259, that had been bulldozed and sold for topsoil
in the 1960s. The mound described by Nelson and numbered as 259 is, in fact, substantially intact. This
paper describes the research conducted to verify the location of both mounds, which included the use of
Nelson's and Heizer's original photographs.

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                  <text>UC Berkeley

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San Francisco Bay as it looked thousands of years ago when the first people
settled its shoreline. The scene was created by Nels Nelson, a Berkeley
archaeologist who first began excavating shell mounds of human, faunal and
animal remains in 1902. Photo courtesy of the Nels Nelson Archive, American
Museum of Natural History.

San Francisco Bay: a 5,000-year perspective on the human transformation of the bay
13 June 2002
By Diane Ainsworth, Public Affairs
Human habitation of the shoreline of San Francisco Bay is as old as the bay itself - even older. However, says anthropologist Kent
Lightfoot, people today are altering the bay's ecology more rapidly than did the native Americans of millennia past.
Lightfoot knows because he has logged a fair amount of time sifting through shell mounds along the bay. They contain prehistoric
artifacts - built up from tons of rock, soil, ash and shell - that were left by native Californians 4,000 to 5,000 years ago. First
excavated in 1902, the mounds have preserved human remains, graves, house floors, hearths, roasting pits and other domestic
features, and a diverse range of animal and plant remains, left by local hunter-gatherers who thrived along the bay shoreline.
"People were here from the start, and that's pretty significant," says Lightfoot. "They witnessed the creation and expansion of the San
Francisco Bay system. They were here when sea levels were much higher and the Golden Gate was under water about 10,000 or
11,000 years ago. They've been here ever since."
A 5,000-year perspective
Lightfoot - who presented "A 5,000-year Perspective of the Human Transformation of the Bay" recently, on behalf of the Berkeley
Natural History Museums - believes that San Francisco Bay is "an excellent setting in which to view the symbiotic relationship of
humans and the environment over the last 11,000 year."
Early survey work by two Berkeley archaeologists, Max Uhle and Nels Nelson, laid the groundwork. Just after the turn of the century,
they identified and recorded some 425 prehistoric shell mounds. Anthropologists now know that the first native Californians lived on
the Sonoma County coast (Duncan's Landing), in the Los Vaqueros area of Alameda County and at sites in Santa Clara County, about
10,000 years ago.
As sea levels began to decline 4,000 years later and more shoreline appeared, human settlements began to dot the landscape,
Lightfoot says. The San Francisco, San Pablo and Suisun bays all started to emerge.
"Thousands of acres of intertidal mud flats, and salt and brackish tidal marshes, were beginning to take root and thrive during the
period of 6,000 to 2,000 years before present," he says. "The chronology of archaeological sites follows the establishment of tidal
wetlands around the bay. The earliest bayshore sites date to about 5,000 to 4,000 years ago."
Pre-colonial inhabitants
The large number and size of the shell mounds- some covering the length of two football fields side-by-side and rising 30 feet in the
air - suggest that a fairly large population of native Californians lived in the region long before Spanish, Mexican and Russian peoples
began to colonize the area, says Lightfoot, who is also well known for his archaeological investigations of Russian sites in northern
California.
Nelson, in fact, was not able to find all of the mounds before they were destroyed by urbanization. Early population density has been
difficult to estimate because of that, Lightfoot says.

  

"On the one hand, not all of these mounds were probably occupied at the same time," he says. "Many appear to have been used over
multiple centuries, so we had overlapping occupation spans. Certainly when early Spanish explorers entered the Bay Area between
1769-1775, they described very dense populations, with smoke rising from many villages around the Bay."
Clearly, bayshore people exploited a range of resources in prehistoric America. Closer examination of the mounds reveals that these
indigenous peoples fed mostly on shellfish, including bay mussels, Pacific oysters and bent-nose clams, and hunted terrestrial
mammals, such as elk, black-tailed deer and pronghorn. Wolf, fox, bear, skunk and raccoon also were part of their staple diet,
Lightfoot says.
Masterful fishermen
They were masterful fishermen and traveled short distances in tule balsas, small boats constructed from tule reeds that could hold up
to three people at a time. Paddles, hooks, darts, spears, nets and clubs, all used to kill sea mammals, including otters, harbor seals,
fur seals and sea lions, were recovered from the shell mounds.
Many anthropologists subscribe to the popular theory that California Indians "were not passive hunter-gatherers who simply collected
the fruits of a 'wild' and 'pristine' land," Lightfoot says, "but were nurturing land managers who constructed a cultivated landscape
through deliberate human intervention over many centuries."
They built and maintained habitats through techniques such as tillage, controlled burning, pruning, weeding and seeding the
wildlands, he says.
Competing theory
A competing school of thought, first suggested by Nelson and other early archaeologists, suggests that prehistoric populations
overexploited the shellfish beds in San Francisco Bay, forcing later generations to find alternative food sources. An abundance of
mussel and oyster remains were found in the lower (earlier) levels of the shell mounds, Nelson reported in 1909. In addition, one
mound at Ellis Landing was estimated to contain more than 17 million mollusk shells.
Later anthropologists argued that Nelson's theory didn't hold water, claiming instead that there was quite a bit of variation in estuarine
habitats in San Francisco Bay 4,000 to 5,000 years ago. Most of it was brought on by the silting of the bay, rather than from changes
in the Indians' dietary preferences.
Lightfoot believes there is truth in both of these scenarios: local people were managing their environment while, at the same time,
exploiting and perhaps even overexploiting certain primary food sources. "The critical point is that prehistoric San Francisco was never
a natural or pristine wilderness," he says. "Its ecology has been changing as long as people have lived here."
The challenge for future stewards of the environment, however, will be to find ways of safeguarding nature's ability to renew natural
resources, despite the swiftness with which people today are altering the ecology.

The large size and number of shell mounds found in the Bay Area - this one is
called the West Berkeley Mound - suggest a fairly large population of native
Californians were living along the shore at least 5,000 years ago; early 20th
century UC Berkeley archaeologists Nels Nelson and Max Uhle identified more
than 425 ancient mounds. Photo courtesy of the Nels Nelson Archive,
American Museum of Natural History.

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